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Inglês — CACD 2007

CESPE/UnB · CACD – 1ª fase (TPS) · 46 itens · julgue cada item como Certo ou Errado

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No burqa bans

Why is it nearly always wrong to outlaw

the wearing of the Muslim veil?

1 What you wear is a statement of who you are. From theold man’s cardigan and frayed tie to the youngster’s torn jeansplus lip-stud, dress stands for identity. For that reason laws on4clothing should be avoided unless there is a compelling case forthem. There is no such case for the Dutch government’s plan tooutlaw the wearing in all public places of the face-covering7burqa and niqab by Muslim women. As it happens, the plan’s announcement by RitaVerdonk, the hardline Dutch immigration minister, was a10political stunt aimed at reviving her party’s flagging fortunesbefore this week’s election. But a new Dutch government, whenone is eventually formed, may still adopt it. And the proposed13ban follows a big debate about the Muslim veil in many otherEuropean countries. In 2004 France passed a law to stop the wearing of the16Muslim hijab (headscarf) by girls in state schools. SeveralGerman states have banned teachers from wearing theheadscarf. One Belgian town has outlawed the burqa and niqab19from its streets. Recently a former British foreign secretary,Jack Straw, caused a row by inviting his Muslim constituents toremove their veils when they met him; and a lawsuit confirmed22that British schools could sack teachers who woreface-covering garments. Turkey, a mostly Muslim country, hasbanned the wearing of the veil in public buildings ever since25Ataturk established the modern republic in the 1920s. Those who favour such bans put forward four mainarguments. First, the veil (especially the burqa and niqab)28shows a refusal by Muslims to integrate into broader society;Britain’s Tony Blair called it a “mark of separation”. Second,such clothing is testimony to the oppression of Muslim women;31they are said to don veils largely at the behest (or command) oftheir domineering menfolk. Third, the display of religioussymbols is an affront to secular societies (this line resonates34especially in France and Turkey). And fourth, there are settings— the schoolroom, the courthouse — in which the wearing ofMuslim veils can be intimidating or off-putting to pupils or37juries. Some of these arguments are stronger than others. Butnone supports a blanket Dutch-style ban. Muslim dress can40indeed appear as a mark of separation, but racial and sectariandiscrimination surely counts far more — and bans on religiousclothing are likely to aggravate it. Oppression of female43Muslims is regrettably common, and should be resisted; butmany women choose to wear the veil for cultural reasons, andothers do so (as they do in Arab countries) as a sign of46emancipation, or even as a fashion statement. France andTurkey have fiercely secular traditions that can be interpretedto justify restrictions on religious symbols; but such restrictions49are best applied sparingly, and only in state offices, not in thestreets. Similarly, decisions to bar the wearing of Muslim dress_____ courts or by teachers and pupils are surely better left52_____ local discretion than imposed nationally.

Adapted from No burqa bans. In: The Economist, Nov. 25th 2006, p. 15.

Judge the following item, concerning the word “former” in the fragment “Recently a former British foreign secretary” (l.19-20).

  1. 1.

    In this fragment, the antonym of “former” is “current”.

  2. 2.

    In this fragment, the antonym of “former” is “chief”.

  3. 3.

    In this fragment, the antonym of “former” is “latter”.

  4. 4.

    In this fragment, the antonym of “former” is “previous”.

  5. 5.

    In this fragment, the antonym of “former” is “actual”.

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No burqa bans

Why is it nearly always wrong to outlaw

the wearing of the Muslim veil?

1 What you wear is a statement of who you are. From theold man’s cardigan and frayed tie to the youngster’s torn jeansplus lip-stud, dress stands for identity. For that reason laws on4clothing should be avoided unless there is a compelling case forthem. There is no such case for the Dutch government’s plan tooutlaw the wearing in all public places of the face-covering7burqa and niqab by Muslim women. As it happens, the plan’s announcement by RitaVerdonk, the hardline Dutch immigration minister, was a10political stunt aimed at reviving her party’s flagging fortunesbefore this week’s election. But a new Dutch government, whenone is eventually formed, may still adopt it. And the proposed13ban follows a big debate about the Muslim veil in many otherEuropean countries. In 2004 France passed a law to stop the wearing of the16Muslim hijab (headscarf) by girls in state schools. SeveralGerman states have banned teachers from wearing theheadscarf. One Belgian town has outlawed the burqa and niqab19from its streets. Recently a former British foreign secretary,Jack Straw, caused a row by inviting his Muslim constituents toremove their veils when they met him; and a lawsuit confirmed22that British schools could sack teachers who woreface-covering garments. Turkey, a mostly Muslim country, hasbanned the wearing of the veil in public buildings ever since25Ataturk established the modern republic in the 1920s. Those who favour such bans put forward four mainarguments. First, the veil (especially the burqa and niqab)28shows a refusal by Muslims to integrate into broader society;Britain’s Tony Blair called it a “mark of separation”. Second,such clothing is testimony to the oppression of Muslim women;31they are said to don veils largely at the behest (or command) oftheir domineering menfolk. Third, the display of religioussymbols is an affront to secular societies (this line resonates34especially in France and Turkey). And fourth, there are settings— the schoolroom, the courthouse — in which the wearing ofMuslim veils can be intimidating or off-putting to pupils or37juries. Some of these arguments are stronger than others. Butnone supports a blanket Dutch-style ban. Muslim dress can40indeed appear as a mark of separation, but racial and sectariandiscrimination surely counts far more — and bans on religiousclothing are likely to aggravate it. Oppression of female43Muslims is regrettably common, and should be resisted; butmany women choose to wear the veil for cultural reasons, andothers do so (as they do in Arab countries) as a sign of46emancipation, or even as a fashion statement. France andTurkey have fiercely secular traditions that can be interpretedto justify restrictions on religious symbols; but such restrictions49are best applied sparingly, and only in state offices, not in thestreets. Similarly, decisions to bar the wearing of Muslim dress_____ courts or by teachers and pupils are surely better left52_____ local discretion than imposed nationally.

Adapted from No burqa bans. In: The Economist, Nov. 25th 2006, p. 15.

According to the previous text, judge — right (C) or wrong (E) — each item below.

  1. 6.

    Turkey is the only Muslim country where women have never been allowed to wear veils in public.

  2. 7.

    The Dutch government’s introduction of the ban on the wearing of the burqa and niqab in all public places has had a disastrous impact on the local Muslim community.

  3. 8.

    The Dutch immigration minister has exploited the ban on the Muslim veil for political gain.

  4. 9.

    The idea conveyed by the proverb in English Clothes make men can be found in this text.

Cadastre-se para responder e ver o gabarito comentado

No burqa bans

Why is it nearly always wrong to outlaw

the wearing of the Muslim veil?

1 What you wear is a statement of who you are. From theold man’s cardigan and frayed tie to the youngster’s torn jeansplus lip-stud, dress stands for identity. For that reason laws on4clothing should be avoided unless there is a compelling case forthem. There is no such case for the Dutch government’s plan tooutlaw the wearing in all public places of the face-covering7burqa and niqab by Muslim women. As it happens, the plan’s announcement by RitaVerdonk, the hardline Dutch immigration minister, was a10political stunt aimed at reviving her party’s flagging fortunesbefore this week’s election. But a new Dutch government, whenone is eventually formed, may still adopt it. And the proposed13ban follows a big debate about the Muslim veil in many otherEuropean countries. In 2004 France passed a law to stop the wearing of the16Muslim hijab (headscarf) by girls in state schools. SeveralGerman states have banned teachers from wearing theheadscarf. One Belgian town has outlawed the burqa and niqab19from its streets. Recently a former British foreign secretary,Jack Straw, caused a row by inviting his Muslim constituents toremove their veils when they met him; and a lawsuit confirmed22that British schools could sack teachers who woreface-covering garments. Turkey, a mostly Muslim country, hasbanned the wearing of the veil in public buildings ever since25Ataturk established the modern republic in the 1920s. Those who favour such bans put forward four mainarguments. First, the veil (especially the burqa and niqab)28shows a refusal by Muslims to integrate into broader society;Britain’s Tony Blair called it a “mark of separation”. Second,such clothing is testimony to the oppression of Muslim women;31they are said to don veils largely at the behest (or command) oftheir domineering menfolk. Third, the display of religioussymbols is an affront to secular societies (this line resonates34especially in France and Turkey). And fourth, there are settings— the schoolroom, the courthouse — in which the wearing ofMuslim veils can be intimidating or off-putting to pupils or37juries. Some of these arguments are stronger than others. Butnone supports a blanket Dutch-style ban. Muslim dress can40indeed appear as a mark of separation, but racial and sectariandiscrimination surely counts far more — and bans on religiousclothing are likely to aggravate it. Oppression of female43Muslims is regrettably common, and should be resisted; butmany women choose to wear the veil for cultural reasons, andothers do so (as they do in Arab countries) as a sign of46emancipation, or even as a fashion statement. France andTurkey have fiercely secular traditions that can be interpretedto justify restrictions on religious symbols; but such restrictions49are best applied sparingly, and only in state offices, not in thestreets. Similarly, decisions to bar the wearing of Muslim dress_____ courts or by teachers and pupils are surely better left52_____ local discretion than imposed nationally.

Adapted from No burqa bans. In: The Economist, Nov. 25th 2006, p. 15.

The last sentence of the text has been left with two blank spaces. Judge the following item. “Similarly, decisions to bar the wearing of Muslim dress _____ courts or by teachers and pupils are surely better left _____ local discretion than imposed nationally.”

  1. 10.

    The correct sequence of prepositions to fill in the blanks is “on” – “for”.

  2. 11.

    The correct sequence of prepositions to fill in the blanks is “in” – “to”.

  3. 12.

    The correct sequence of prepositions to fill in the blanks is “inside” – “up”.

  4. 13.

    The correct sequence of prepositions to fill in the blanks is “from” – “to”.

  5. 14.

    The correct sequence of prepositions to fill in the blanks is “to” – “for”.

Cadastre-se para responder e ver o gabarito comentado

No burqa bans

Why is it nearly always wrong to outlaw

the wearing of the Muslim veil?

1 What you wear is a statement of who you are. From theold man’s cardigan and frayed tie to the youngster’s torn jeansplus lip-stud, dress stands for identity. For that reason laws on4clothing should be avoided unless there is a compelling case forthem. There is no such case for the Dutch government’s plan tooutlaw the wearing in all public places of the face-covering7burqa and niqab by Muslim women. As it happens, the plan’s announcement by RitaVerdonk, the hardline Dutch immigration minister, was a10political stunt aimed at reviving her party’s flagging fortunesbefore this week’s election. But a new Dutch government, whenone is eventually formed, may still adopt it. And the proposed13ban follows a big debate about the Muslim veil in many otherEuropean countries. In 2004 France passed a law to stop the wearing of the16Muslim hijab (headscarf) by girls in state schools. SeveralGerman states have banned teachers from wearing theheadscarf. One Belgian town has outlawed the burqa and niqab19from its streets. Recently a former British foreign secretary,Jack Straw, caused a row by inviting his Muslim constituents toremove their veils when they met him; and a lawsuit confirmed22that British schools could sack teachers who woreface-covering garments. Turkey, a mostly Muslim country, hasbanned the wearing of the veil in public buildings ever since25Ataturk established the modern republic in the 1920s. Those who favour such bans put forward four mainarguments. First, the veil (especially the burqa and niqab)28shows a refusal by Muslims to integrate into broader society;Britain’s Tony Blair called it a “mark of separation”. Second,such clothing is testimony to the oppression of Muslim women;31they are said to don veils largely at the behest (or command) oftheir domineering menfolk. Third, the display of religioussymbols is an affront to secular societies (this line resonates34especially in France and Turkey). And fourth, there are settings— the schoolroom, the courthouse — in which the wearing ofMuslim veils can be intimidating or off-putting to pupils or37juries. Some of these arguments are stronger than others. Butnone supports a blanket Dutch-style ban. Muslim dress can40indeed appear as a mark of separation, but racial and sectariandiscrimination surely counts far more — and bans on religiousclothing are likely to aggravate it. Oppression of female43Muslims is regrettably common, and should be resisted; butmany women choose to wear the veil for cultural reasons, andothers do so (as they do in Arab countries) as a sign of46emancipation, or even as a fashion statement. France andTurkey have fiercely secular traditions that can be interpretedto justify restrictions on religious symbols; but such restrictions49are best applied sparingly, and only in state offices, not in thestreets. Similarly, decisions to bar the wearing of Muslim dress_____ courts or by teachers and pupils are surely better left52_____ local discretion than imposed nationally.

Adapted from No burqa bans. In: The Economist, Nov. 25th 2006, p. 15.

In accordance with the previous text, judge — right (C) or wrong (E) — each item below.

  1. 15.

    In the text, “secular” (l.47) is the same as centuries-old.

  2. 16.

    In the text, “constituents” (l.20) means the same as components.

  3. 17.

    In the text, “constituents” (l.20) means the same as voters.

  4. 18.

    In the text, “secular” (l.47) is the same as non-religious.

Cadastre-se para responder e ver o gabarito comentado

No burqa bans

Why is it nearly always wrong to outlaw

the wearing of the Muslim veil?

1 What you wear is a statement of who you are. From theold man’s cardigan and frayed tie to the youngster’s torn jeansplus lip-stud, dress stands for identity. For that reason laws on4clothing should be avoided unless there is a compelling case forthem. There is no such case for the Dutch government’s plan tooutlaw the wearing in all public places of the face-covering7burqa and niqab by Muslim women. As it happens, the plan’s announcement by RitaVerdonk, the hardline Dutch immigration minister, was a10political stunt aimed at reviving her party’s flagging fortunesbefore this week’s election. But a new Dutch government, whenone is eventually formed, may still adopt it. And the proposed13ban follows a big debate about the Muslim veil in many otherEuropean countries. In 2004 France passed a law to stop the wearing of the16Muslim hijab (headscarf) by girls in state schools. SeveralGerman states have banned teachers from wearing theheadscarf. One Belgian town has outlawed the burqa and niqab19from its streets. Recently a former British foreign secretary,Jack Straw, caused a row by inviting his Muslim constituents toremove their veils when they met him; and a lawsuit confirmed22that British schools could sack teachers who woreface-covering garments. Turkey, a mostly Muslim country, hasbanned the wearing of the veil in public buildings ever since25Ataturk established the modern republic in the 1920s. Those who favour such bans put forward four mainarguments. First, the veil (especially the burqa and niqab)28shows a refusal by Muslims to integrate into broader society;Britain’s Tony Blair called it a “mark of separation”. Second,such clothing is testimony to the oppression of Muslim women;31they are said to don veils largely at the behest (or command) oftheir domineering menfolk. Third, the display of religioussymbols is an affront to secular societies (this line resonates34especially in France and Turkey). And fourth, there are settings— the schoolroom, the courthouse — in which the wearing ofMuslim veils can be intimidating or off-putting to pupils or37juries. Some of these arguments are stronger than others. Butnone supports a blanket Dutch-style ban. Muslim dress can40indeed appear as a mark of separation, but racial and sectariandiscrimination surely counts far more — and bans on religiousclothing are likely to aggravate it. Oppression of female43Muslims is regrettably common, and should be resisted; butmany women choose to wear the veil for cultural reasons, andothers do so (as they do in Arab countries) as a sign of46emancipation, or even as a fashion statement. France andTurkey have fiercely secular traditions that can be interpretedto justify restrictions on religious symbols; but such restrictions49are best applied sparingly, and only in state offices, not in thestreets. Similarly, decisions to bar the wearing of Muslim dress_____ courts or by teachers and pupils are surely better left52_____ local discretion than imposed nationally.

Adapted from No burqa bans. In: The Economist, Nov. 25th 2006, p. 15.

Judge the following item, concerning the sentence “But none supports a blanket Dutch-style ban” (l.38-39).

  1. 19.

    In this sentence, the word “blanket” can be replaced, with no change in the meaning, by “partial”.

  2. 20.

    In this sentence, the word “blanket” can be replaced, with no change in the meaning, by “warm”.

  3. 21.

    In this sentence, the word “blanket” can be replaced, with no change in the meaning, by “unlimited”.

  4. 22.

    In this sentence, the word “blanket” can be replaced, with no change in the meaning, by “protective”.

  5. 23.

    In this sentence, the word “blanket” can be replaced, with no change in the meaning, by “temporary”.

Cadastre-se para responder e ver o gabarito comentado

No burqa bans

Why is it nearly always wrong to outlaw

the wearing of the Muslim veil?

1 What you wear is a statement of who you are. From theold man’s cardigan and frayed tie to the youngster’s torn jeansplus lip-stud, dress stands for identity. For that reason laws on4clothing should be avoided unless there is a compelling case forthem. There is no such case for the Dutch government’s plan tooutlaw the wearing in all public places of the face-covering7burqa and niqab by Muslim women. As it happens, the plan’s announcement by RitaVerdonk, the hardline Dutch immigration minister, was a10political stunt aimed at reviving her party’s flagging fortunesbefore this week’s election. But a new Dutch government, whenone is eventually formed, may still adopt it. And the proposed13ban follows a big debate about the Muslim veil in many otherEuropean countries. In 2004 France passed a law to stop the wearing of the16Muslim hijab (headscarf) by girls in state schools. SeveralGerman states have banned teachers from wearing theheadscarf. One Belgian town has outlawed the burqa and niqab19from its streets. Recently a former British foreign secretary,Jack Straw, caused a row by inviting his Muslim constituents toremove their veils when they met him; and a lawsuit confirmed22that British schools could sack teachers who woreface-covering garments. Turkey, a mostly Muslim country, hasbanned the wearing of the veil in public buildings ever since25Ataturk established the modern republic in the 1920s. Those who favour such bans put forward four mainarguments. First, the veil (especially the burqa and niqab)28shows a refusal by Muslims to integrate into broader society;Britain’s Tony Blair called it a “mark of separation”. Second,such clothing is testimony to the oppression of Muslim women;31they are said to don veils largely at the behest (or command) oftheir domineering menfolk. Third, the display of religioussymbols is an affront to secular societies (this line resonates34especially in France and Turkey). And fourth, there are settings— the schoolroom, the courthouse — in which the wearing ofMuslim veils can be intimidating or off-putting to pupils or37juries. Some of these arguments are stronger than others. Butnone supports a blanket Dutch-style ban. Muslim dress can40indeed appear as a mark of separation, but racial and sectariandiscrimination surely counts far more — and bans on religiousclothing are likely to aggravate it. Oppression of female43Muslims is regrettably common, and should be resisted; butmany women choose to wear the veil for cultural reasons, andothers do so (as they do in Arab countries) as a sign of46emancipation, or even as a fashion statement. France andTurkey have fiercely secular traditions that can be interpretedto justify restrictions on religious symbols; but such restrictions49are best applied sparingly, and only in state offices, not in thestreets. Similarly, decisions to bar the wearing of Muslim dress_____ courts or by teachers and pupils are surely better left52_____ local discretion than imposed nationally.

Adapted from No burqa bans. In: The Economist, Nov. 25th 2006, p. 15.

In accordance with the previous text, judge — right (C) or wrong (E) — each statement below.

  1. 24.

    One of the arguments offered by the opponents of the ban on veils is that women are forced by their male relatives to wear them.

  2. 25.

    The idea that Muslim women are said to don veils largely at the behest (or command) of their domineering menfolk can be summarized as: authoritarian men force their female relatives to cover their heads and faces.

  3. 26.

    One of the arguments offered by supporters of the ban on veils is that women are forced by their male relatives to wear them.

  4. 27.

    The wearing of the veil is an unequivocal and universal symbol of female oppression.

Cadastre-se para responder e ver o gabarito comentado
1 Unlike Pombal, who had used the power of the state toruthlessly force through a crash program of modernization,Salazar froze Portugal’s economic and social patterns. “We are4antiparliamentarians, antidemocrats, antiliberals”, Salazar saidin 1936. “We are opposed to all forms of internationalism,communism, socialism, syndicalism.” To govern, he said,7without apology, “is to protect the people from themselves”. Yet Salazar enjoyed sizable support. He had rooted hisregime sufficiently in Portuguese social realities to garner for10it a small measure of popular approbation. The church and thesmall landholders of the heavily Catholic north backed him. Sodid the latifundiários, the owners of big farming estates in the13central and southern regions who feared a loss of their holdingsif the left took power. The outlawed Portuguese CommunistParty, formed in 1921, was especially strong in the south.16 But Salazar could not freeze the world. In 1961, Indiaseized Goa from a 3,500-man Portuguese garrison that hadbeen ordered to “conquer or die”. In Africa, as the French and19British were freeing their colonies, African nationalist guerrillasrose up against the Portuguese in Angola (1961), Guinea(1962), and Mozambique (1964).22 Portugal was the last European power in Africa to clingtenaciously to the panoply of formal domination. This was noaccident. For a long time Portugal very successfully disguised25the nature of her presence ____ a skilful amalgam of historicalmythmaking, claims ____ multiracialism, and good publicrelations.

Adapted from Kenneth Maxwell. The making of portuguese democracy. CUP, 1997, p.18-9.

The last sentence of the text has been left with two blank spaces. Judge the following item, keeping the main ideas of the text. “For a long time Portugal very successfully disguised the nature of her presence ____ a skilful amalgam of historical mythmaking, claims ____ multiracialism, and good public relations.”

  1. 28.

    The correct sequence of words to fill in the blanks is “behind” – “for”.

  2. 29.

    The correct sequence of words to fill in the blanks is “in” – “for”.

  3. 30.

    The correct sequence of words to fill in the blanks is “behind” – “of”.

  4. 31.

    The correct sequence of words to fill in the blanks is “with” – “in”.

  5. 32.

    The correct sequence of words to fill in the blanks is “in” – “with”.

Cadastre-se para responder e ver o gabarito comentado
1 Unlike Pombal, who had used the power of the state toruthlessly force through a crash program of modernization,Salazar froze Portugal’s economic and social patterns. “We are4antiparliamentarians, antidemocrats, antiliberals”, Salazar saidin 1936. “We are opposed to all forms of internationalism,communism, socialism, syndicalism.” To govern, he said,7without apology, “is to protect the people from themselves”. Yet Salazar enjoyed sizable support. He had rooted hisregime sufficiently in Portuguese social realities to garner for10it a small measure of popular approbation. The church and thesmall landholders of the heavily Catholic north backed him. Sodid the latifundiários, the owners of big farming estates in the13central and southern regions who feared a loss of their holdingsif the left took power. The outlawed Portuguese CommunistParty, formed in 1921, was especially strong in the south.16 But Salazar could not freeze the world. In 1961, Indiaseized Goa from a 3,500-man Portuguese garrison that hadbeen ordered to “conquer or die”. In Africa, as the French and19British were freeing their colonies, African nationalist guerrillasrose up against the Portuguese in Angola (1961), Guinea(1962), and Mozambique (1964).22 Portugal was the last European power in Africa to clingtenaciously to the panoply of formal domination. This was noaccident. For a long time Portugal very successfully disguised25the nature of her presence ____ a skilful amalgam of historicalmythmaking, claims ____ multiracialism, and good publicrelations.

Adapted from Kenneth Maxwell. The making of portuguese democracy. CUP, 1997, p.18-9.

Judge the following item, concerning the word “crash” in the second line of the text.

  1. 33.

    In the second line of the text, the word “crash” means modern and efficient.

  2. 34.

    In the second line of the text, the word “crash” means unexpected and notorious.

  3. 35.

    In the second line of the text, the word “crash” means quick and complete.

  4. 36.

    In the second line of the text, the word “crash” means strong and efficient.

  5. 37.

    In the second line of the text, the word “crash” means partial and questionable.

Cadastre-se para responder e ver o gabarito comentado
1 Unlike Pombal, who had used the power of the state toruthlessly force through a crash program of modernization,Salazar froze Portugal’s economic and social patterns. “We are4antiparliamentarians, antidemocrats, antiliberals”, Salazar saidin 1936. “We are opposed to all forms of internationalism,communism, socialism, syndicalism.” To govern, he said,7without apology, “is to protect the people from themselves”. Yet Salazar enjoyed sizable support. He had rooted hisregime sufficiently in Portuguese social realities to garner for10it a small measure of popular approbation. The church and thesmall landholders of the heavily Catholic north backed him. Sodid the latifundiários, the owners of big farming estates in the13central and southern regions who feared a loss of their holdingsif the left took power. The outlawed Portuguese CommunistParty, formed in 1921, was especially strong in the south.16 But Salazar could not freeze the world. In 1961, Indiaseized Goa from a 3,500-man Portuguese garrison that hadbeen ordered to “conquer or die”. In Africa, as the French and19British were freeing their colonies, African nationalist guerrillasrose up against the Portuguese in Angola (1961), Guinea(1962), and Mozambique (1964).22 Portugal was the last European power in Africa to clingtenaciously to the panoply of formal domination. This was noaccident. For a long time Portugal very successfully disguised25the nature of her presence ____ a skilful amalgam of historicalmythmaking, claims ____ multiracialism, and good publicrelations.

Adapted from Kenneth Maxwell. The making of portuguese democracy. CUP, 1997, p.18-9.

Judge the following item, concerning the sentence “He had rooted his regime sufficiently in Portuguese social realities to garner for it a small measure of popular approbation” (l.8-10).

  1. 38.

    In this sentence, “rooted” and “to garner” mean, respectively, planted and to mirror.

  2. 39.

    In this sentence, “rooted” and “to garner” mean, respectively, viewed and to reject.

  3. 40.

    In this sentence, “rooted” and “to garner” mean, respectively, approached and to save.

  4. 41.

    In this sentence, “rooted” and “to garner” mean, respectively, sowed and to avoid.

  5. 42.

    In this sentence, “rooted” and “to garner” mean, respectively, established and to gather.

Cadastre-se para responder e ver o gabarito comentado
1 Unlike Pombal, who had used the power of the state toruthlessly force through a crash program of modernization,Salazar froze Portugal’s economic and social patterns. “We are4antiparliamentarians, antidemocrats, antiliberals”, Salazar saidin 1936. “We are opposed to all forms of internationalism,communism, socialism, syndicalism.” To govern, he said,7without apology, “is to protect the people from themselves”. Yet Salazar enjoyed sizable support. He had rooted hisregime sufficiently in Portuguese social realities to garner for10it a small measure of popular approbation. The church and thesmall landholders of the heavily Catholic north backed him. Sodid the latifundiários, the owners of big farming estates in the13central and southern regions who feared a loss of their holdingsif the left took power. The outlawed Portuguese CommunistParty, formed in 1921, was especially strong in the south.16 But Salazar could not freeze the world. In 1961, Indiaseized Goa from a 3,500-man Portuguese garrison that hadbeen ordered to “conquer or die”. In Africa, as the French and19British were freeing their colonies, African nationalist guerrillasrose up against the Portuguese in Angola (1961), Guinea(1962), and Mozambique (1964).22 Portugal was the last European power in Africa to clingtenaciously to the panoply of formal domination. This was noaccident. For a long time Portugal very successfully disguised25the nature of her presence ____ a skilful amalgam of historicalmythmaking, claims ____ multiracialism, and good publicrelations.

Adapted from Kenneth Maxwell. The making of portuguese democracy. CUP, 1997, p.18-9.

In accordance with the previous text, judge — right (C) or wrong (E) — each item below.

  1. 43.

    The word “Unlike” (l.1) introduces the notion that Pombal’s and Salazar’s view on progress differed.

  2. 44.

    The setting free of the French and British colonies took place approximately at the same time as the fight for political freedom in some of the Portuguese African dominions.

  3. 45.

    Salazar’s support in the south of Portugal derived from the fact that landowners believed that if communists came to power they would confiscate their land.

  4. 46.

    Land owners feared Salazar would freeze their properties.

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